Exclusive Interview with Senator Lt Gen (Retd) Abdul Qayyum, President PESS
Senator Lieutenant General (Retd) Abdul Qayyum, HI (M) is currently the President of the Pakistan Ex-Servicemen Society (PESS) and Patron-in-Chief of the Pakistan China Business Forum (PCBF). General Qayyum, is a retired three-star general of the Pakistan Army, former Senator, and a seasoned politico-defense analyst with over four decades of experience in military leadership, industrial management, and national policymaking. A graduate of the National Defence University, Islamabad, and the Command and Staff College, Quetta, he has held key command, staff, and instructional appointments in Pakistan and abroad, including command of a Saudi Land Forces unit (1985–1987). The General is a war veteran of the 1971 Indo–Pak war and has also served as Military Secretary to two Prime Ministers of Pakistan (1993-1996). He has been honored with the Hilal-e-Imtiaz (Military) for his distinguished service.
Following his military career, General Qayyum served as Chairman of Pakistan Ordnance Factories (2004–2008), spearheading modernization and export expansion, and later as Chairman & CEO of Pakistan Steel Mills (2014–2015), where he successfully cleared the organisation’s debts and achieved a gross profit of Rs. 18 billion. As a Senator (2015–2021) representing the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz, he was a Chairman of Senate Standing Committee Defence Production, and an active member of the Senate Standing Committees of on Defence, Science & Technology, Anti-Narcotics, Poverty Alleviation, and Privatisation, contributing to key legislative and policy debates.
In 2016, General Qayyum was sent to Britain as a special envoy of former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif on Kashmir, where he effectively highlighted the details of human rights violations and blatant atrocities being committed by more than seven-hundred-thousand-strong Indian Army to suppress the voice of unarmed Kashmiris demanding their right of self-determination as promised by the United Nations.
An accomplished columnist and public affairs commentator, General Qayyum has published extensively on civil-military relations, foreign policy, and governance reform, with his work compiled into five books. Known for his advocacy of ethical leadership, democratic values, and strategic national development, he continues to be a prominent voice in Pakistan’s public discourse.
In an exclusive conversation with Huashang Weekly, Lt. Gen. (Retd) Abdul Qayyum discussed the China–Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), Pakistan–India relations, the upcoming Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) summit, regional connectivity, political stability, and the country’s path to economic recovery. In this candid exchange, he offered his perspectives on strategic regional issues, political stability, and Pakistan’s economic future.
Q: After the recent India–Pakistan war, how do you see Pakistan’s standing at the international level?
A: Pakistan’s standing has definitely improved, and for good reason. You see, power, when it is not tested, remains sacred and somewhat mysterious because there is always an element of doubt. But when you start using that power unnecessarily, its limits come forward for all to see.
India, with its slogan of “Shining and Rising India,” had the advantage of ambiguity. They could claim greatness without anyone having actually tested them in battle. But when they opted for unnecessary aggressive action against Pakistan, they themselves removed that cover of ambiguity, and the results disappointed them.
The entire world saw what happened. It was a strategic backfire, not just for India, but a surprise for the entire world. This was not an accidental skirmish. It was a deliberate attempt by India to occupy Azad Kashmir, to sever China’s western links so that Chinese trade would have to go via the Red Sea instead of through Pakistani ports, and to redraw the map of power and perception in South Asia. But they failed, utterly.
Pakistan did not blink. We stood firm, and we achieved a strategic rebalance in South Asia by breaking the myth of India’s Rafael jets, its S-400 missile systems, and even its defense capabilities. This shattered the illusion of Indian conventional superiority, the belief that they were not just a regional power but also an emerging global power. That claim was broken in full view of the world.
The strategic map of South Asia has changed. India fell prey to a cyber-ambush of its own making. Pakistan, far from being a failing state as some tried to project, has proven to be a credible counterbalance to India. The battlefield does not lie, and now the entire world knows what happened.
Q: The Indian Air Chief recently claimed they shot down six Pakistani fighter jets. Your response?
A: Yes, I saw that statement. It is very unfortunate that a person no less than the Indian Air Chief has the audacity to make such a blatant and easily disprovable lie. The fact is, our aircraft, whether F-16s or JF-17 Thunders, are all accounted for. India’s claim is a fabrication. Their own record internationally contradicts this, and if there had been any actual Pakistani aircraft lost, they could have shown the wreckage or proven it directly. Let me remind you, during the Balakot incident, India lost its aircraft when they came into Pakistani territory, and their pilot was captured. We returned him as a gesture of goodwill. Yet even then, they tried to spread the false story that they had shot down a Pakistani F-16. The Americans themselves had to confirm that Pakistan’s F-16 inventory was complete.
Similarly, now they are again telling lies about shooting down our planes. On the other hand, their own losses are acknowledged by the international community. It is normal in warfare to lose aircraft, tanks, and even men, sometimes due to technical faults, sometimes due to pilot error, and sometimes due to enemy action. The professional and respectable way is to admit it, investigate, and move on. But they are trying to hide their losses and replace them with lies. This is unbecoming for a country of India’s size and position.
Q: Pakistan’s diplomatic profile seems to have risen — Field Marshal Asim Munir’s White House meeting with President Trump, his visit to China, Ishaq Dar’s meeting with his U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio, and the Iranian president’s visit to Pakistan. Do you see this as clever diplomacy?
A: Yes, Pakistan’s diplomatic profile has definitely gained strength, nationally, regionally, and internationally. First, our relations with China, our all-weather friend, remain as strong as ever. Secondly, we have succeeded in repairing relations with the United States, despite their earlier displeasure over CPEC. Importantly, we have done this without making any compromise on our national interests or our commitments to China. The Americans have now realized that India, which they were trying to use as a proxy to contain China, is in fact a weak link. They have discovered that India’s claims do not match its actual potential. So they see Pakistan again as a credible, balancing player in South Asia. We have also maintained the best possible balance between Iran and Saudi Arabia. Along with China, we have been working to improve relations with Afghanistan. Our engagement now extends to the European Union, African countries, the Middle East, and even South America. Pakistan’s passport itself has seen an upgrade in credibility.
Q: President Trump is pressuring PM Modi over taking credit for stopping the war, India denies it, and now the U.S. has imposed 50% tariffs on India. Should Pakistan see this as an opportunity?
A: President Trump has exposed Modi’s hypocrisy. Modi went to President Trump to request a ceasefire despite being the one who initiated the war. From day one, Pakistan did not want war, it was India that started it. President Trump revealed that fact. On the economic side, the U.S. has now imposed tariffs on India, doubling them from 25% to 50%, partly because of India’s dishonesty over Russian oil imports. Modi publicly claimed they were buying Russian oil, but in reality, India’s four major refineries, Indian Oil Corporation, Bharat Petroleum, Hindustan Petroleum, and another major, have refused to import it without a written order from Modi. They know that if they come under sanctions, the Government of India would have to bail them out. So, despite the public posturing, they have not imported that oil. Yes, certainly. This is a moment where Pakistan’s credibility is shining. India’s reputation is taking a hit for being unreliable and dishonest, while Pakistan is emerging as a consistent, truthful actor. In diplomacy, credibility is an asset, and Pakistan’s is now stronger.
Q: At the upcoming SCO Heads of State Conference in China, where both PM Shehbaz Sharif and PM Modi will attend after a long gap, what are the expectations?
A: The SCO Summit is a pivotal moment — not just for Pakistan and India, but for the entire Eurasian region. This unique platform brings together China, Russia, the Central Asian states, Pakistan, and India under one umbrella, focused on regional security, economic cooperation, and stability. For Prime Minister Modi, it is more than a ceremonial visit; it is an opportunity to break the cycle of hostility and choose a more pragmatic path. If he has any statesmanship left after years of divisive politics and failed military adventures, he should meet Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif face-to-face.
There are hard truths to confront, issues like Kashmir, bilateral trade, counterterrorism cooperation, and regional integration cannot be solved through media statements or political rallies. They require sustained, structured dialogue, backed by a political will greater than short-term electoral gains. The Chinese principle of peaceful coexistence offers a clear roadmap: respect sovereignty, pursue win–win cooperation, and avoid zero-sum games. War-mongering has brought Modi nothing but embarrassment; recent border conflicts have exposed the limits of military bravado, just as domestic unrest has revealed the fragility of divisive politics.
The SCO provides a rare, face-saving opportunity for both sides. For Modi, direct engagement with Pakistan in a multilateral setting allows him to project statesmanship without appearing to concede under pressure. For Shehbaz Sharif, it offers a chance to reaffirm Pakistan’s readiness for meaningful dialogue while highlighting our commitment to regional peace and economic integration. Every time Pakistan and India choose confrontation over cooperation, the cost is paid in lost opportunities, stalled trade, diverted investment, and missed chances to connect South Asia with Central Asia through energy pipelines, road networks, and digital corridors.
If Modi chooses peace, Indo–Pak ties could benefit enormously, trade could expand from a few hundred million dollars to several billion within years, tourism could revive cultural linkages, and the entire region could gain from enhanced connectivity, diversified trade corridors, and improved energy security. The SCO is not just about speeches and photographs; it is about setting in motion a process where the leaders of two nuclear-armed neighbours replace mistrust with pragmatic cooperation. If handled wisely, this meeting could mark a turning point. History will remember whether they chose confrontation or statesmanship.
General Qayyum added that, with all SCO leaders in attendance, including Modi, the gathering offers both an opportunity and a challenge — the opportunity to strengthen collective action against terrorism, and the challenge of confronting member states, like India, whose actions undermine regional stability. He expressed grave concern that, despite India’s membership in BRICS and the SCO, it has acted in ways that contradict the principles these bodies uphold, showing consistent hostility toward CPEC, sponsoring anti-China elements in Pakistan, and orchestrating attacks on Chinese nationals and projects. “It is a good opportunity for President Xi Jinping,” he said, “to convey directly to Modi that India must stop backing terrorist organisations operating in Balochistan and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, including the TTP, BLA, BLF, and BRAS. These groups are backed by India and deliberately target Chinese interests and personnel in Pakistan.”
He reiterated that strategic patience has its limits and urged China to make it clear to India that any future attack, whether direct or through proxies, on Chinese citizens or assets in Pakistan will invite swift, overwhelming, and disproportionate retaliation.
Q: CPEC Phase-II has stalled. Why is it not moving forward? What steps should be taken to restart it?
A: It is true — the pace of CPEC Phase-II is slower than it should be, and that is a cause for concern. CPEC is not just a bilateral project between Pakistan and China; it is the flagship of the Belt and Road Initiative and a symbol of our ironclad strategic partnership with Beijing.
Phase-II is particularly crucial because it focuses on industrial cooperation, Special Economic Zones (SEZs), agricultural modernization, information technology, and energy diversification. ML-1, the Main Line railway upgrade, is the backbone of Pakistan’s connectivity; its timely completion will transform freight movement and regional trade. Delays here send the wrong signal to investors and partners.
When Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif visits China for the SCO meeting, his sideline discussion with President Xi Jinping will be critical. All bottlenecks, whether bureaucratic, political, or financial, must be addressed. We need to send a clear message that Pakistan is fully committed to CPEC’s timelines and that this project remains above political divisions.
Moreover, we should actively involve the private sector in SEZ development, expand cooperation in renewable energy, and link CPEC with Gwadar’s port potential to open new export markets in Africa and the Middle East. Remember, CPEC is not just an economic project; it is a strategic lifeline that strengthens Pakistan’s sovereignty, economic resilience, and regional standing.
Beyond its economic and infrastructural benefits, CPEC is also a story of strategic trust between Pakistan and China — a trust that has been tested and proven over decades. When I speak to Chinese counterparts, they often emphasize that Pakistan is not just a participant in the Belt and Road Initiative; it is its beating heart. The success of CPEC is seen in Beijing as proof that the BRI can deliver tangible benefits, even in complex political and security environments.
For Pakistan, this trust translates into opportunities far beyond roads and power plants. It opens the door for technology transfer, joint ventures in defense production, cooperation in renewable energy, and agricultural innovation to tackle food security challenges. Gwadar, once a quiet coastal town, is evolving into a regional logistics hub, potentially linking Central Asia, the Middle East, and Africa through efficient maritime routes.
But to unlock this full potential, we must ensure that CPEC remains insulated from domestic political disputes. The Chinese approach to long-term planning is something we must learn from: projects are envisioned in decades, not in election cycles. Pakistan must adopt the same vision, seeing CPEC not as a political trophy to be claimed by one party, but as a national asset to be protected by all.
If we can maintain this strategic focus, CPEC will not only transform Pakistan’s economy but also anchor our country firmly in the architecture of regional prosperity, where Pakistan and China stand shoulder-to-shoulder as equal partners in shaping the future of Eurasia.
Q: Given the political instability at home, how can Pakistan ensure continuity in foreign policy and long-term projects like CPEC?
A: Stability at home is the foundation of strength abroad. If your domestic house is divided, your external posture will always be vulnerable. For projects like CPEC and for consistent foreign policy, Pakistan’s political class must adopt a mature approach.
Government and opposition can — and should — disagree on policies, but they must agree on core national interests. There should be a Charter of Economy, endorsed by all major parties, that declares long-term strategic projects and foreign commitments as non-negotiable, regardless of who is in power. This would reassure our international partners that Pakistan is a reliable player with policy continuity.
Political agitation that shuts down cities, disrupts the economy, or undermines investor confidence harms the entire nation. Criticism of the government is healthy in a democracy, but destabilization for short-term political gain is self-defeating. We must also strengthen institutions, depoliticize bureaucracy, and encourage merit-based governance — only then will we have the capacity to deliver on our international commitments.
Q: How do you evaluate the achievements of the current government on both domestic and international fronts?
A: By the grace of Allah, the present government has managed to steer Pakistan away from the brink of default, a monumental achievement considering the global economic turbulence and the heavy debt burden we inherited. Per capita income has risen from $1,600 to $1,824, which, while modest, reflects an upward trend. The Pakistan Stock Exchange’s unprecedented rise from around 60,000 points to approximately 145,000 points signals renewed investor confidence.
Foreign exchange reserves have strengthened, and exports have grown by 17% to 20% in the current month. These are not small gains. However, sustaining this momentum requires expanding industrial output, modernizing agriculture, boosting IT exports, and ensuring affordable energy for businesses. The government must work hand-in-hand with the private sector, provide policy stability, and remove unnecessary bureaucratic hurdles that choke entrepreneurship.
On the diplomatic front, Pakistan has regained credibility. Our relations with China remain unshakable, our ties with the U.S. have improved without compromising on CPEC, and our balanced engagement with Iran and Saudi Arabia has enhanced our regional stature. The government’s proactive role in forums like the SCO and its outreach to Africa, the EU, and Latin America are laying the foundation for diversified economic and political partnerships.
If we stay the course, protect strategic projects like CPEC from political turbulence, and continue to improve governance, I am confident Pakistan will not only recover but also emerge as a stronger, more respected nation on the world stage.
